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Military operations in Puncak Regency, Papua Tengah, have allegedly resulted in the deaths of over a dozen people. While the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) claim to have targeted members of the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Organization (TPNPB-OPM), civilian investigations suggest security forces instead targeted civilians. Violence in Papua continues to escalate, dialogue remains stalled, and amidst this, a significant buildup of security forces persists.

The unsettling news reached Reverend Ronald Rischard Tapilattu around April 14, 2026. Reverend Tapilattu, head of the Papuan Bureau for the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI), was informed of military operations in the Kembru District of Puncak Regency, Papua Tengah.

Volunteers from the Indonesian Evangelical Church (GIDI) and the Indonesian Full Gospel Church (GKII) alerted Reverend Tapilattu to a mass shooting of civilians in Kembru.

Deeply shocked, Reverend Tapilattu immediately initiated communication with contacts within his church network and began gathering information and facts from the ground.

Reverend Tapilattu recounted that on April 12, 2026, military forces advanced towards Kembru District. Drones were observed hovering in the sky, conducting reconnaissance. Residents felt a mixture of bewilderment and anxiety.

“That area is a refuge. Displaced people from various conflict zones in the Papuan highlands gather there. Refugees from several villages have joined together in that location,” he told BBC News Indonesia in early May 2026.

The situation in Kembru escalated dramatically, transforming into a “ground assault” as dawn broke on April 14, 2026. Soldiers systematically searched homes, detaining some residents and damaging livestock pens.

Testimonies from church volunteers painted a horrific picture: indiscriminate gunfire targeted residents, accompanied by grenades detonated in various locations. Civilians fled, desperately seeking shelter and safety, many finding refuge in the local church.

“So, the question is, why were bombs or grenades dropped there? Directed at civilians?” Reverend Tapilattu questioned.

According to Reverend Tapilattu, seven villages in Kembru District were affected by the military operation. The terrifying circumstances forced residents to “seek refuge in safer areas.”

The military attack resulted in over a dozen casualties. Reverend Tapilattu characterized the April 14, 2026 operation as “an attack purely carried out in a civilian area.”

“According to the volunteers and church workers, there was no exchange of fire. They [the military] attacked. International humanitarian law was completely disregarded,” he stated.

Drawing from this tragedy and the persistent violence in the Papuan region, Reverend Tapilattu made a fervent plea.

“Stop all military operations in Papua,” he urged.

“If the Indonesian government could make peace with Aceh during its conflict, why can’t they do the same for Papua?”

“After the drones finished, [personnel] on the ground started shooting”

A report by the Puncak Regency Human Rights Investigation Team—comprising students and non-governmental organizations—detailed the events of April 14, 2026. BBC News Indonesia has obtained a copy of this investigative document.

Based on interviews with witnesses on the ground, the team found that drones had been “patrolling” since at least April 4, 2026. Their objective was to monitor villages in Kembru, including Nilme, Makuma, Tenoti, and Molu. Drones were also observed flying over the Pogoma District.

On the evening of April 6, security forces, identified as the TNI’s Habema Task Force, reportedly traveled on foot from Sinak District to Nigilome, Kondokwe, Weni, and Wombru villages before arriving at the TNI Pintu Jawa Post.

The troops allegedly rested for a day at the TNI Pintu Jawa Post.

Evidence of the TNI’s presence along the reported routes came from footprints and discarded helmets found by local residents.

The forces were reportedly on the move again on the night of April 7, 2026, traversing Gelegi, Jigugkwi, and Tenoti villages. In Tenoti village, according to the investigation team’s documentation, the troops lay in wait in the forest for a full day. Their footprints were “observed by Tenoti residents along the roadside,” the investigation report stated.

The Habema Task Force’s journey led them across the border between Puncak Regency and Puncak Jaya, specifically in the Amenepaga Mountain area. They remained on alert at this location until April 13, 2026.

From there, TNI personnel reportedly took a path to the left above Mount Amenepaga, advancing towards Tenoti village from the east.

On April 14, 2026, just before dawn, the Habema Task Force divided into “seven command units,” according to the investigation team, to execute the search of the civilian population.

The first and second command units targeted Keyangga village. The third unit proceeded to Makuma village. Three other units took a central route from the east of Kemburu Church. The final unit directed its approach towards the Kemburu main road.

“Around 5 AM [Western Indonesian Time], the TNI Habema Task Force launched an assault. This synchronized attack was carried out from the air and the ground. In the air, bombs were dropped from the drone cameras. The bombs exploded. Residents fled,” explained Emerson Wonda, a member of the Puncak Regency Human Rights Investigation Team, when interviewed by BBC News Indonesia in early May 2026.

“After the drones finished, [personnel] on the ground started shooting.”

The residents of Kembru scrambled to save themselves. At the time of the attack, the majority of them were asleep.

The military operation lasted for at least seven hours, from 5 AM to 12 PM. The Puncak Regency Human Rights Investigation Team documented 11 civilian casualties, including an unborn baby.

A victim named Kikungge Walia, a 50-year-old woman, reportedly died from injuries sustained from a grenade explosion that hit her entire body. Another victim, Inikiwewo Walia, a 50-year-old man, died from a bullet wound that penetrated his chest and exited his spine.

In addition to the fatalities, the Puncak Regency Human Rights Investigation Team reported that approximately 8 people were injured, and 1 person was still missing. Among the injured was Penditon Walia, a 3-year-old child who sustained bullet wounds to his right leg and nose.

The April 14, 2026 attack triggered a wave of displacement from three districts. Not only in Kembru, but residents from Magebume and Pogoma districts also fled their homes en masse.

The conditions of the displaced are dire, according to the findings of the Puncak Regency Human Rights Investigation Team. They fled into the forest with nothing, facing severe difficulties in obtaining food and water.

The Puncak Regency Human Rights Investigation Team estimates that the number of displaced persons from these three districts, combined with those displaced in 2025, reaches tens of thousands.

The military operation was reportedly a response to an operation aimed at capturing Kalenak Murib and Lekagak Telenggen, personnel of the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Organization (TPNPB-OPM).

Yosina Kogoya, a survivor, refuted the presence of TPNPB-OPM members in Kembru. She stated that Kembru residents had encountered the TPNPB-OPM long ago when they asked for food. Those under threat were forced to provide provisions to the TPNPB-OPM members.

Yosina asserted that the events of April 14, 2026, were solely caused by TNI forces. She recounted waking up to the sound of gunfire and rushing to make a fire in the kitchen due to the cold. She then dragged her family to safety and hid.

“They shot civilians while we were sleeping. They also shot us while we were running. If anyone claims the OPM shot us, I am a living witness to who shot me,” she stated, as recorded by the Puncak Regency Human Rights Investigation Team a week after the incident, on April 21, 2026.

Emerson condemned the military operation in Kembru for at least two reasons.

Firstly, District Kembru is a refugee zone populated by civilians, including mothers, children, and the elderly.

Secondly, the TNI allegedly attacked without first verifying the presence of TPNPB-OPM members.

“But, they immediately dropped bombs. When residents fled, they were shot,” he said.

The incident on April 14, 2026, further underscores the ongoing conflict and marginalization of the Papuan people, Emerson lamented. The TNI forces’ use of live ammunition against civilians demonstrates that the protection of “the people” does not apply in Papua.

Emerson believes the Indonesian government and its security forces do not view Papuan citizens as Indonesians, and therefore, they are subject to lethal force.

“Frankly, I believe the Papuan people should be treated as Indonesian citizens. We reject the ongoing violence directed at us,” Emerson concluded.

“This is a problem the TNI must answer for”

The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has condemned the TPNPB-OPM crackdown operations that resulted in civilian casualties.

Komnas HAM emphasized that enforcement operations, whether classified as military operations or non-war military operations that cause civilian deaths, are unjustifiable under any circumstances.

In response to the violence in Kembru District, Komnas HAM dispatched an investigation team to thoroughly examine all aspects related to the military operation on April 14, 2026.

Saurlin Siagian, Commissioner for Monitoring & Investigation at Komnas HAM, informed BBC News Indonesia that the investigation involved gathering information from various parties, including the community, victims, local government, and the TNI.

Regarding the fatalities, Komnas HAM’s findings indicate approximately 9 deaths. Two of these victims were pregnant, carrying children at 7 and 9 months respectively.

“So, this aligns closely with other accounts, where the two fetuses in the wombs of the two deceased victims are also counted. That brings the total to 11 victims,” Siagian stated.

Concerning the military operation, Komnas HAM received information from the Joint Regional Defense Command III (Kogabwilhan III)—the operational command directly under the Commander of the TNI—confirming that actions took place between April 13 and 14, 2026.

According to Siagian, citing the TNI, the military operation was conducted after the TPNPB-OPM attacked TNI personnel in the field. In addition to personnel, the TPNPB-OPM also fired upon a TNI helicopter.

“A large number of troops” were subsequently deployed towards Kembru following these two attacks, Siagian added.

“However, this is not our [Komnas HAM’s] position; this is the TNI’s position, based on the information they provided to us,” Siagian clarified.

The TNI themselves admitted to shooting four individuals they identified as TPNPB-OPM members. They did not confirm the deaths of other victims.

Regarding the use of drones, the TNI asserted that “simple drones” were used, not “military drones,” according to Siagian.

When asked if the drones were armed, the TNI responded negatively. They also denied that the drones carried any form of explosives.

“They were solely surveillance drones, according to the TNI,” Siagian said.

Komnas HAM’s investigation so far confirms that a military operation did indeed occur in Kembru on April 14, 2026. Siagian also emphasized that the attack or military operation in Kembru “resulted in casualties.”

“Therefore, the entity responsible for security in the operational area is the TNI, as they were conducting the operation,” Siagian asserted in early May 2026.

“The problem that needs to be addressed is that these individuals died while the TNI was conducting an operation, and this implies accountability. If people die within the territory or area where they are conducting an operation, then accountability arises.”

Komnas HAM will proceed with further investigations, including the examination of evidence in their possession, such as 35 spent bullet casings. Other pieces of evidence cannot be publicly disclosed as they are “highly sensitive,” Siagian added.

Ballistic testing is planned for the recovered bullet casings. Komnas HAM is coordinating with relevant authorities for these tests.

Furthermore, Komnas HAM intends to “re-interview” Kogabwilhan III, as the previous meeting was limited by time constraints.

Siagian noted that violence in Papua is a two-way conflict between the TNI and the TPNPB-OPM. To de-escalate the situation, Komnas HAM urged the government to refrain from deploying massive numbers of security forces.

“As stated by the Chairperson of Komnas HAM, we believe that to de-escalate violence, it would be best to rely on organic security forces and the police for security in the region,” explained Siagian.

“This means avoiding excessive reinforcements beyond the existing organic personnel.”

“We are protecting civilian lives”

Lieutenant Colonel Infanteri Wirya Arthadiguna, Head of Information for the Habema TNI Joint Task Force, denied that the military operation in Kembru District targeted civilians.

Wirya claimed that the military operation on April 14, 2026, was a response to reports from local residents about the presence of TPNPB-OPM forces.

Wirya stated that TPNPB-OPM members fired upon TNI personnel upon their arrival at the location, leading to an unavoidable firefight. According to the TNI, four TPNPB-OPM members were killed in this incident.

The TNI also seized several pieces of evidence indicating the presence of the TPNPB-OPM, including two firearms, ammunition, and bows and arrows.

Wirya affirmed the TNI’s commitment to acting professionally, transparently, and accountably in all its duties.

Meanwhile, in a separate statement, the Joint Regional Defense Command (Kogabwilhan) III expressed its commitment to maintaining security and stability in Papua.

Panglima Kogabwilhan III, Lieutenant General TNI Lucky Avianto, emphasized the crucial need for full support from the Papuan people.

“Let us unite, maintain solidarity, and work together to create a safe, peaceful, and prosperous Papua within the embrace of the Motherland,” Lucky appealed in Timika, Papua Tengah, on Saturday, May 9.

He also assured that the TNI prioritizes “proportionality and the protection of public facilities” during military operations.

The TNI also guaranteed that the safety of civilians is their highest priority.

“For us, protecting the lives of Papuan civilians is a sacred trust that cannot be compromised. Every action we take is guided by strict Rules of Engagement (ROE), ensuring that decisive action upholds law, human rights (HAM), and humanitarian ethics,” he concluded.

A Wave of Violence, Lives Lost

The violence that has claimed civilian lives in Papua is not confined to Puncak Regency.

In late March, five residents of Dogiyai Regency, Papua Tengah, were killed by gunfire after police conducted sweeps of villages in an effort to “secure” a riot.

A month after the incident in Dogiyai, a civil servant named Yemis Yohame was killed by a bullet. His body was found on the roadside where he had been accessing the internet at a kiosk.

Last week, at least seven residents of Omukia District, Puncak Regency, Papua Tengah, were reported injured by an explosion, believed to be a bomb. The victims were injured while attempting to evacuate the body of a resident of Erenggobak village, Tarling Wanimbo, who was allegedly killed by security forces days earlier.

The various acts of violence resulting in civilian deaths have sparked widespread demonstrations across several regions in Papua.

In late April 2026, thousands of civilians held a peaceful protest in front of the Puncak Regency People’s Representative Council (DPRK) office in Ilaga, demanding an end to military violence.

A week later, protestors in Jayapura organized a demonstration themed “Papua: Military and Humanitarian Emergency.” Security forces responded to this protest with tear gas.

Amnesty International Indonesia, in a statement, noted that within just four months of 2026, the “escalation of armed conflict between the TNI-Polri and TPNPB-OPM has increased,” leading to “human rights violations” targeting civilians in Papua.

This, Amnesty International Indonesia added, is evidenced by the “continually increasing number of internally displaced persons, shootings of civilians, and arbitrary arrests and torture.”

Under Prabowo’s Era, Military Mobilization to Papua is “Far More Significant”

The wave of violence against Papuan citizens is fueled by the exceptionally large presence of Indonesian security forces.

Made Supriatma, a researcher at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute specializing in military affairs, stated that the mobilization of troops and police to Papua is currently “far more significant” than during previous administrations.

Made cited the establishment of new military regional commands (Kodam) in Papua, which the government plans to expand to a total of five. As of 2026, three Kodams are operational in Papua: Kodam XVII/Cenderawasih (Jayapura), Kodam XVIII/Kasuari (Manokwari), and Kodam XXIV/Mandala Trikora (Merauke).

The planned new Kodams are slated for Nabire (Papua Tengah) and Sorong (Papua Barat Daya).

The existence of these Kodams impacts the subordinate structures, such as Military District Commands (Kodim) and Military Resort Commands (Korem), which will also inevitably increase.

In addition to Kodams, Made highlighted the formation of Territorial Infantry Brigades (Brigif TP). In 2025, three new Brigif TP were inaugurated in Papua. Each battalion within a Brigif TP is estimated to consist of 650 to 700 personnel.

Research conducted by Made, in collaboration with journalist Fahri Salam, indicates that there are currently over 83,177 organic soldiers and police in Papua. This breaks down to 56,517 TNI personnel and 26,660 police officers.

This figure illustrates that the number of organic security forces in Papua is 58 times greater than the estimated 1,438 TPNPB-OPM members, who are reportedly spread across 24 networks, according to police data.

Compared to the total population of the six Papuan provinces, this means there is one soldier for every 103 residents and one police officer for every 219 residents.

Made added that the Indonesian government does not solely implement the deployment of organic security personnel in Papua; a system of “Under Operational Control” (BKO) is also in place.

Several operations under the BKO umbrella, Made explained, include the Habema Task Force, an acronym for “Must Succeed Maximally.” This task force or operation was initiated by the Commander of the TNI, General Agus Subiyanto, in early 2024.

Another is the Cartenz Task Force, a joint TNI and Polri initiative, whose priority is “law enforcement,” Made stated.

“Then we also have border security [pamtas]. Border security has a very broad scope. So, there are soldiers who are specifically stationed along the Indonesia-Papua New Guinea border,” Made told BBC News Indonesia in late April.

The scope of pamtas units has gradually been expanded by the government, Made emphasized. Pamtas is divided into two categories: static and mobile.

Static pamtas units are generally assigned to guard the land border and remain stationed at specific posts for extended periods.

In contrast, mobile pamtas units are more actively involved in patrolling “vulnerable areas” and maintaining the Indonesian national border markers.

However, Made pointed out that mobile pamtas units are essentially combat troops with a strength of up to 1,500 personnel. They operate under command. In the field, they are known as ‘Rajawali’ troops, largely composed of members from Kostrad and Kopassus.

Made observes that the security approach in Papua is fundamentally divided into two functions: law enforcement and combat.

“One approach, carried out by the Cartenz Task Force, is law-based. This approach and law enforcement are conducted by the police. However, firefights frequently occur,” explained Made.

“Secondly, the truly combat-oriented operations are by Habema. Habema’s structure is precisely like that of Indonesian combat units.”

The operational scope of the Habema Task Force, Made continued, is similar to the New Order military’s approach in suppressing both East Timor and Aceh. Their strategy is counter-insurgency operations.

The issue, Made asserted, is that since the post-New Order era, the government has never designated Papua as a Military Operations Area (DOM).

What differentiates Papua from other regions in Indonesia regarding security forces is its highly militarized concentration. Every facet of Papua, Made emphasized, “has the military.”

What is the objective?

“In my opinion, it is essentially to secure Papua as Indonesia’s last rich resource region,” Made concluded.

“Additionally, the goal is to secure political power.”

Made believes the government is exploiting Papua, and the beneficiaries are the state and oligarchic groups—those in power and wielding influence. Native Papuans (OAP) themselves are marginalized, excluded from government strategic programs ranging from rice cultivation to gold mining.

“I see the playbook as a colonial playbook, aimed at conquering resources and so forth. The most efficient way [to initiate this] is by deploying the military,” he concluded.

“Jakarta Doesn’t Listen”

To resolve the conflict in Papua, the government must understand its root causes. Otherwise, especially with the continued large-scale deployment of troops, the turmoil in Papua will only prolong, according to Bernarda Meteray, a lecturer in history education at Cenderawasih University.

Drawing on research from the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN) concerning Papua, Bernarda identified four key issues: integration, human rights violations, marginalization of the population, and development failures.

Of these four problems, “the issue of integration is the primary trigger,” Bernarda stated.

“There are differing perspectives on the problems in Papua. Some say [Papua] is finalized, no longer needing discussion, and is already part of Indonesia,” she explained in an interview with BBC News Indonesia in late April 2026.

One way to resolve the issues in Papua, Bernarda continued, is through the creation of dialogue spaces.

Unfortunately, while the Papuan community “wants to dialogue,” Jakarta “does not listen and does not facilitate,” Bernarda emphasized.

Instead, the government consistently views the Papua issue through a security lens. Once the military arrives, only fear and violence emerge, Bernarda observed.

The consequence of this security-centric approach is the wave of refugees displaced by armed conflict in areas such as Intan Jaya, Puncak, Maybrat, and Pegunungan Bintang.

According to data compiled by the Papua Church Council as of April 2026, the number of refugees in Papua exceeds 107,000.

Research conducted by SMERU, a social-economic policy research institute, has shown that refugees in Papua face structural challenges. A prominent issue is the lack of personal identification documents.

Most refugees in Papua were unable to bring their personal documents when fleeing for safety. Consequently, they are unable to access basic services such as healthcare and medical facilities.

Beyond this, Bernarda added, is the suspicion from security forces.

“If this continues, Papua will become a conflict zone. And if it’s a conflict zone, it’s automatically not a safe area. If it’s not safe, Papuans will always face suspicion,” Bernarda explained.

“With this suspicion, I believe Papuans live in fear.”

All decisions now lie with Jakarta. Bernarda urged the government to halt the mobilization of security forces and troops to Papua. If the government persists with a military perspective in addressing Papua’s issues, violence will escalate.

“I think this chain of violence must be stopped as soon as possible,” she stated.

“A child knows nothing, a bullet pierced his chest”

In his sermon in January 2026, Father Amandus Rahadat of the Holy Trinity Cathedral Parish in Timika expressed his disturbance over a recurring thought.

Why, Father Amandus pondered, do a significant number of Papuans desire independence and separation from Indonesia?

Father Amandus offered four answers for the Indonesian government.

Firstly, the history of Papua’s integration into Indonesia was an annexation, a takeover, not based on a referendum or collective will.

“They were never invited to sit together and talk,” Father Amandus stated in his sermon.

Secondly, “many human rights violations have not been resolved completely,” Father Amandus added. Security forces, he noted, are “no longer seen as protectors of the people,” but rather as “a threat.”

Thirdly, Papua’s identity has been disregarded by the government.

“That is why the OPM (Organisasi Papua Merdeka) continues to operate. They feel culturally colonized,” he explained.

“They were once called monkeys. That is deeply saddening.”

And lastly, fourthly, social and economic inequality is “blatantly stark,” he elaborated.

Continuing his message, Father Amandus addressed Papua again in April 2026.

This time, Father Amandus criticized the government’s approach to untangling the complexities in Papua.

The security approach, Father Amandus argued, merely results in the deaths of innocent individuals, alongside the reactions from pro-independence groups like the TPNPB-OPM.

“A child who knows nothing, [hit by] a bullet piercing his chest,” Father Amandus recounted.

“It’s like a child asking for something, and the father, displeased, and the mother slaps him. This is not a solution.”

Similarly, the development approach, with the government constructing infrastructure like roads, is also criticized by Father Amandus for failing to address the root problems.

As a result of his sermons, Father Amandus admitted to receiving “continuous phone calls from unknown numbers.”

Indigenous elders and church leaders in Timika informed him that he was “under surveillance” by security forces.

“So, I have become a sort of target. A target, in quotation marks. They are very suspicious. What is this pastor up to?” he shared with BBC News Indonesia in late April 2026.

The situation culminated when uniformed soldiers visited his residence. Father Amandus was angered and asked the soldiers to leave.

This incident illustrates that the government is taking the wrong path in addressing all matters related to Papua, he asserted.

The security-focused approach will not bring about any positive change.

“And I suspect that the tensions that have persisted for so long are being deliberately maintained. Meaning, they are not being resolved from the root,” Father Amandus stated, having lived in Papua for two decades.

Father Amandus urged the government, in line with the teachings of the Gospel, to resolve the conflict in Papua through dialogue.

“Jesus sat with two disciples, and they talked. Jesus broke bread, and their eyes were opened,” he explained.

The situation in Papua, Father Amandus continued, is “unhealthy.” If the government’s methods are not yielding significant progress, they should engage in deep reflection, he added.

“So, now we have two sides consuming each other, with no resolution,” Father Amandus stated.

“And I have said several times in church, until when will we allow human lives to be lost in Papua?”

• The Story of Papuan Civil Servant Yemis Yohame, Who Was Shot Dead in Dekai – ‘My Child Was Innocent’
• The Story of a Paralyzed Elderly Woman and a 12-Year-Old Child Shot Dead in Dogiyai Regency, Papua – ‘The Forces Shot Indiscriminately’
• Five Civilians Dead – What Happened in Dogiyai, Papua?

• Shooting at Grasberg Gold Mine – Why Did the Freeport Security, Involving Thousands of Personnel and Trillions of Rupiah, Fail?
• The Story of a Nomadic Tribe in the Midst of Papua’s Development Who Must Carry the Sick Through Dense Forests – ‘Why Doesn’t the State See Us?’
• The Deployment of Military in Biak, Papua, Meets with Pro and Contra

• The Moment a Child Died in Yahukimo Due to a ‘Grenade Carried by a Drone’, ‘He Was a Student, Not a TPNPB Member’
• Prabowo Wants to Increase Palm Oil Plantations in Papua – Who Will Be Most Harmed by This Policy?
• The Burning of Bird of Paradise Crowns, Illegal Hunting, and the Trail of Alfred Wallace in Papua – ‘If You Want to Protect These Birds, Protect the People Too’

• More Soldiers to Be Sent to Aceh and Papua – ‘I Fear the Trauma of Conflict Will Re-emerge’
• A Mother and Her Unborn Child Died After Being Rejected by Four Hospitals – ‘This is the Rot of Healthcare Services in Papua’
• ‘We Are pitted Against Companies’ – Attacks on Indigenous Communities Opposing the Merauke PSN

• ‘The Community Guards Teachers Like Their Own Flesh and Blood’ – Who Actually Killed Teacher Melani Wamea in Yahukimo?
• Elegy of the Malind Anim Tribe Behind the Merauke PSN – ‘They Are Being Annihilated’
• TNI Allegedly Shot a Resident in Asmat, Papua, Resulting in Death – ‘Why Handle Drunk People with Weapons?’

• The Riot in Yalimo Regency, Papua Mountains, Allegedly Sparked by Racist Remarks from a High School Student – Why Do Racism Cases Keep Recurring?
• A Young Papuan Man Died Allegedly Due to Police Abuse – ‘Our Lives Seem So Easily Taken’
• ‘Young Papuans Find it Difficult to Get Jobs, Even If They Graduate from Abroad’ – Can the Rerun of the Papua Election Provide Hope for the Residents?

• The Conditions of Puncak Residents, Papua, ‘Are Worsening’ Due to Armed Conflict – Thousands Displaced, Some Died from Illness and Alleged Shooting
• ‘Many Patients Come to Get Well, But Instead Die’ – Allegations of Malpractice and Slow Hospital Services in Papua
• Gibran Appointed to Solve Problems in Papua – What Should Gibran Do?

• ‘Witnessing Firsthand How Our Forests, Rights, and Lives Are Forcefully Taken’ – Merauke Indigenous Communities Request a UN Special Rapporteur to Visit Papua
• A Native Papuan Man in Nduga Died with a Mutilated Body – What Is the Case?
• The Catholic Church and the Stories of Indigenous Papuans – ‘Why Is Our Grief Rarely Discussed at the Altar?’

• Gold Panners Have Repeatedly Died Amidst the Papua Armed Conflict, Who Are They and Why Are They in the Forest?
• Police Launch a 1.7 Million Hectare Corn Planting Project – ‘The Corn Planted in Jayapura Is Ripening, But Farmers Still Haven’t Received Hoes’
• Testimony of a Teacher Who Survived an Attack by TPNPB OPM in Yahukimo, Papua – ‘Their Evil Plan Was to Kill, But God Helped Us’